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Kurultai: Understanding the political transformation in Kazakhstan

Dr. Pravesh Kumar Gupta
August 23, 2026
Kurultai: Understanding the political transformation in Kazakhstan

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Dr. Pravesh Kumar Gupta at a polling station in Astana, Kazakhstan, August 23, 2026.

Kazakhstan, the largest country in Central Asia by both landmass and economy, is in the middle of a political transformation. The political reform process, which began after the January 2022 protests, has culminated in constitutional amendments. These amendments passed in a nationwide referendum in March 2026, took effect on July 1, and paved the way for parliamentary elections. On August 23, 2026, Kazakhstan will hold its first Kurultai election. These elections are highly significant and are being observed by regional and international observers. These elections are more about testing a whole new political architecture than picking winners.

The constitutional amendments under President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev include abolishing the two-chamber parliament (the Mazhilis and Senate) in favour of a single 145-seat legislature (called Kurultai). The reasoning behind the decision to move from a bicameral parliament to a unicameral legislature is to shorten the law-making process and help legislation move faster. Elections will be conducted through closed party-list proportional voting across one nationwide constituency, with a 5% threshold and five-year terms. There is also a built-in quota: women, youth, and people with disabilities have to make up at least 30% of any party's candidate list, though in practice they are already clearing 40%.

Seven parties have registered for the polls. Notably absent is Amanat, the long-ruling party, which chose not to run and instead folded into a new formation called Adilet. The new party is led by Aibek Dadebay, who was the head of the presidential administration. The rest of the political parties, Auyl, Respublica, Aq Jol, the People's Party of Kazakhstan, the Nationwide Social Democratic Party, and Baytaq, bring the total candidate pool to around 545. There have been differing viewpoints in international media with regard to the ongoing political transformation in Kazakhstan. One recurring question remains: Is it true pluralism, or merely a refined version of the same managed system?

Even the nomenclature of the new parliament, "Kurultai", is a well-considered term that has been grabbing political attention. The term has been taken from the old Turkic-Mongol steppe assemblies, the councils that once settled questions of leadership, war, and resource distribution in the Kazakh Khanate. It also refers to the consultative National Kurultai that ran from 2022 to 2026, which was dissolved along with the old constitution. With this terminology, the reform presents itself as a revival of indigenous governance traditions rather than an import of Western parliamentary norms. The new political arrangement simplifies the machinery of government by scrapping the upper house and eliminating presidential appointment quotas.

The Kazakh President has claimed that these reforms are intended to make governance better and more convenient, but apprehensions remain. The worry is that a pure list system, paired with a narrower field of parties, funnels influence into fewer, more manageable channels. This could make the Kurultai as a smoother-running rubber stamp rather than a genuine check on the executive. Whether that apprehension holds or fades away will depen entirely on how this body actually behaves once it's seated, and that's the real test of President Tokayev's "listening" pitch.

Kazakhstan's political reconfiguration also has broader regional impact in Central Asia. Kazakhstan's size both economic and demographic makes it Central Asia's natural anchor, and probably the region's most committed practitioner of multi-vector diplomacy. A legislature that can actually turn international commitments into domestic law, plan multi- year energy and connectivity projects, and provide real oversight would give Astana more room to lead on things like C5 cooperation, transport corridors, water and climate policy, and critical minerals — all while balancing relationships with Russia, China, the West, and

Türkiye. If parliament becomes a genuine player, Kazakhstan's foreign policy starts looking less like it hinges on one man's preferences and more like something durable. Neighbors dealing with their own governance headaches will be watching closely. This could either cement Kazakhstan's reputation as a stable reform laboratory or become a cautionary tale about the limits of redesigning institutions from the top down.

There's a bilateral aspect also. India and Kazakhstan have built a steady partnership since the early 1990s. Kazakhstan has long been India's biggest trading partner in Central Asia spanning uranium and oil, critical minerals, pharma, digital tech, agriculture, and connectivity. With India chairing BRICS in 2026 and Kazakhstan on board as a partner country, plus ongoing CICA engagement, a functioning unicameral parliament opens up new channels for parliamentary diplomacy, legislative exchanges, and alignment on things like bilateral investment protection and mobility rules. That India sent observers to this election is itself a signal — both countries have a stake in seeing whether Kazakhstan's institutions can be trusted to deliver. A more predictable legislative partner in Astana would help both sides pursue what they each want from a multipolar Eurasia: diversified supply chains, energy routes that don't depend on any single power, and stronger regional connectivity that feeds into India's own outreach to Central Asia.

None of this amounts to a democratic breakthrough. It is a carefully crafted renovation, not a revolution. What actually matters isn't the vote itself but what comes after: whether this new legislature can build the muscle for real deliberation, oversight, and lasting policy work. Pull that off, and Kazakhstan strengthens its hand both regionally and as a partner for India. If the proposed changes are implemented suitably it will make Kurultai name remembered for its impact. If not then this will remain a symbolism rather than anything it actually accomplished. People in Kazakhstan are ready for change. Making the government efficient is a prerequisite for a modernised Kazakhstan.

About the Author
Dr. Pravesh Kumar Gupta

Dr. Pravesh Kumar Gupta

Dr. Pravesh Kumar Gupta is an Associate Fellow at the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF). He is also Research Advisor to the India Eurasia Research Foundation (IERF).